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The Washington Post factor

Posted by: Phillip Fraas
October 16, 2006

As Congress readies itself for drafting the 2007 Farm Bill, one of the newspapers known for actively covering farm issues, The Washington Post, has itself been busy, churning out a series of six reports so far examining the operations of the farm and price support programs of the current Farm Bill. And, the reports have not been complimentary--to the contrary, they paint the picture of very wasteful programs throwing away billions of taxpayer dollars. Whether that is the real story about those program or not, those stories have introduced a "Washington Post factor" into the farm bill debate.

The Washington Post reports: July 2, 2006: paying people who don't farm; July 3, 2006: loan deficiency payments provide benefits even in good years; July 18, 2006: no drought required for drought aid; July 19, 2006: donated milk powder diverted for big profits; October 15, 2006: disaster aid double-dipping; and October 16, 2006: government loses but crop insurers make big profits.

Even ardent supporters of the farm and price support programs (and there are many and for good reason) would have to admit the Post reporters appear to be very knowledgeable about the programs; and their reports look to be well-researched and investigated. Further, the reports raise serious questions about the value of the programs in light of their apparent inefficency and waste. Finally, the Post is read by just about everyone in Washington who works on government policy issues; so it is safe to say the articles haven't gone unnoticed.

So, will the reports have an effect on the shaping of the Farm Bill next spring? Here are some thoughts on that.

  • First of all, months will pass before the 2007 Farm Bill comes up for debate. By then, the Post series of reports might be but a dim memory. However, if that doesn't happen and the series is still fresh on people's minds next spring, they might have an influence on the legislative process. Newspapers can influence government action on farm programs. Example: The series of articles in several newspapers in the 1990s about the plight of Black and other minority farmers facing discrimination in the administration of USDA programs effectively set the stage for remedial legislation Congress passed in 1998 and the settlement of a lawsuit against USDA in 1999 providing substantial damage awards to thousands of Black farmers hurt by discrimination.
  • Second, perhaps those who support the farm programs can effectively rebut the Post reports. As I hinted at in the preceding paragraph, there are good reasons for having the farm and income support programs, and there are many success stories in USDA the Post didn't report. If program supporters can get these messages out, the damage to the reputations of USDA's programs done by the Post reports could be minimized.
  • However, rural district congressmen and farm-state senators can't pass farm bills on their own. They need to win the support of urban members of Congress. And, while even urban members understand the Nation's need to sustain its agricultural production capacity, farm bills don't help their constituents. So, this series of articles, unless rebutted, can only make the rural congressman's job selling the Farm Bill to his or her urban counterpart that much more difficult.
  • This especially will be the case if, as many expect, there will be increasing pressure next year to reduce Federal budget deficits. While strong tax revenues have served to reduce the deficit this year, it is still in the neighborhood of a quarter of a trillion dollars, and the overall Federal debt is well into the trillions.
  • The upshot, in my mind, is that the "Washington Post factor" could complicate the jobs of congressional leaders and the chairmen of the House and Senate agriculture committees in rounding up votes for the 2007 Farm Bill. And, they might spur efforts to modify the programs to rein in out-of-control spending and impose more accountability.
        

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